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"Suicide Kit" Linked to Oregon Suicide

When Jake Klonoski got no response from his younger brother's bedroom as he called him to dinner, he had no idea what he would find when he picked the bedroom lock to investigate.  29-year old Nick Klonoski had apparently taken his own life using a "suicide kit" that he had ordered by mail from a company in California.    The kit basically consisted of Derek Humphrey's book Final Exit, as well as plastic tubing and a plastic bag with a collar to be fitted around the neck.    The company providing the kit, the Gladd Group, charged Klonoski $60.00 U.S. for the kit and advertise their products online and by mail order.  They reportedly sold more than 1,700 kits last year alone grossing approximately $100,000.00 U.S.  

Klonoski, a University of Michigan graduate and the son of U.S. District Court Judge Ann Aiken, had been suffering from chronic fatigue syndrome and depression for years.  According to family members, he had been reading Final Exit on the day of his suicide.  A store receipt found in his room by police indicated that he had rented a large tank of helium from a party goods store near his home which he  had apparently used to asphyxiate himself.    Following Klonoski's suicide, police raided the home of the 91-year old California woman behind the Gladd Group as part of their investigation.  Sharlotte Hydorn defended the sale of the kits and stressed that she was not responsible for how they were used and that they were only meant for people in pain.   Since current legislation is ambiguous concerning the legal definition for "assisting" suicide, the only charge that Hydorn is facing at this time is mail fraud.

Suicide kits are readily available and instructions for their use can be found online through blogs and YouTube videos.   Alan Berman, executive director of the American Association for Suicidology, calls mailing the kits immoral and equivalent to "basically handing someone a gun" without checking on their history or whether they are a minor.    The Final Exit Network has more than 3,000 members nationwide and maintains that any mentally competent adult has the right to commit suicide.   While the network has faced legal battles in the past in states with assisted suicide legislation,  they also have the assistance of civil rights groups defending the network's publication of suicide manuals and "exit guides" to help family members conceal evidence that a suicide has occurred.    The actual number of suicides using helium hoods remains unknown at this time although suicide rights advocates insist that they number in the hundreds.

Oregon legislators are considering new legislation based on the Klonoski case which would make it a criminal offense to "sell or transfer any substance or object to another person" knowing that it would be used for suicide.  The proposed legislation has received unanimous approval by the Oregon Senate and state legislators are seeking to tighten the bill's language to make prosecution easier.

While assisted suicide has been controversial since Jack Kevorkian made it a mainstream topic in the 1990s, the sale of helium hoods and similar "suicide kits" has led to a rekindling of the assisted suicide debate across the U.S.    Ironically, Oregon was one of the first U.S. states to pass physician-assisted suicide legislation although assisted suicide is restricted to terminally ill patients only.   The legal process of physician-assisted suicide also requires multiple doctor consultations and a possible psychological assessment before the suicide is allowed to proceed.    In 2010 alone, there have been 65 physician-assisted suicides in Oregon.

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The Sculptress

Camille Claudel was, without a doubt, one of the most brilliant artists of her generation.  And she paid the price for it.

Born in 1864 in Fere en Tardenois in the French province of Picardy, Camille was the second child of a middle-class family.   Although the family moved frequently during her childhood, Camille developed a passion for art at an early age and became an accomplished sculptor by the age of thirteen.     By 1881, she was training at the Academie Colarossi in Paris under the supervision of eminent sculptor, Alfred Boucher.  Whatever plans Camille had for her own future as an artist changed dramatically when she first met Auguste Rodin in 1883.  

It's hard to say for sure when the two of them became lovers but Camille was quickly established in Rodin's studio and began a professional and personal collaboration with him that would last for fourteen years.   Although they never lived together, Camille's relationship with Rodin alarmed her family (especially her mother who had never approved of Camille's artistic ambitions) and she was eventually forced to leave the family home as a result.   While Camille contributed greatly to Rodin's career as a sculptor (many of the pieces that Rodin supposedly produced during their years together were likely her work), the opposite was certainly not the case.   There are few surviving signed works produced by Camille during her years with Rodin despite it being the most fertile period of his artistic career.  

Auguste Rodin was unsupportive in other ways as well.   Details of their personal life together are limited but there is evidence to indicate that she became pregnant as many as five times.  Whether the pregnancies were terminated by abortion or the infants given up for adoption, the end result was the same.   Since Rodin was already living with Rose Beuret and showed no intention of ever leaving her,  marriage was out of the question and he certainly had no intention of being monogamous with Rose or Camille.    Throughout the years when he and Camille were lovers, there was a steady stream of models and other women fascinated by his growing fame as an artist.   At least one noted biographer described Auguste Rodin as a "serious collector of interesting women".

By 1898, Camille had terminated her relationship with Rodin, both personally and professionally (although there is some indication that the had stopped being lovers some time previously).    Working independently for the first time in her life was a major hardship for her.  Although the prosperous Rodin could afford to maintain three studios with a stable of artisans working under him, Camille Claudel had to struggle to pay her own bills.    The attitudes of the time towards independent women, especially women who actually worked for a living, needed to be faced as well.   Her unconventional lifestyle alienated her from her mother and sister (her father remained supportive, though).   Despite praise from most of the prominent critics of the time, Camille's artistic output remained slim.   The long years during which she had only produced art under Rodin's name worked against her and few patrons took an interest in her work.   While Rodin became increasingly rich and famous, Camille sank further into poverty.   Aside from a possible romance with composer Claude Debussy, there were no other men in Camille's life.

As she grew older, Camille became increasingly unstable.  In 1905, she deliberately destroyed many of her statues and began disappearing for long periods of time.    She also developed acute paranoia and accused Rodin of conspiring against her and stealing her ideas.   While she was reasonably lucid when working on her art, Camille became a recluse and often neglected her personal hygiene.  She also became an animal hoarder and kept numerous cats in her tiny, unkempt studio.   With shutters firmly drawn to keep out sunlight, Camille's entire existence focused on her art and her cats.  This eccentric lifestyle (complete with erratic outbursts and suicide attempts) certainly alarmed her family although her father continued to support his wayward daughter.  Three days after her father died in 1913, Camille's brother Paul and her mother made arrangements to place her in the psychiatric hospital of Ville Evrard in Paris.   Two orderlies had to break into Camille's studio and drag her to the hospital by force.  The reasons for committing Camille remain controversial although the spectacle she made of herself when she was hospitalized likely didn't help her cause.  While she was certainly mentally unstable (and possibly suffering from schizophrenia), independent women who refused to accept societal restrictions on sexuality were often committed to hospitals during that era on the grounds of insanity.    In Camille's case, she settled down quickly and even her doctors came to insist that she was well enough to be released.  Despite attempts at a family reconciliation, her mother  remained adamant that she be kept in the hospital. 

With the outbreak of World War I, female patients in Ville Evrard were moved to safer quarters in an asylum near Avignon.  The certificate admitting Camille to Montdevergues Asylum described her as suffering from a "systematic persecution delirium mostly based upon false interpretations and imagination".   Despite repeated attempts by Camille's doctors, the artistic community, and the press to have Camille released from hospital, her family refused to consider the possibility.   Her mother and sister also refused to visit her in hospital and actively discouraged others from visiting her as well.  After Camille's mother died in 1929,  her brother continued to act as her guardian and steadfastly refused to allow her release.  Over the years, visitors typically described Camille as being lucid and insisted on her release but Paul Claudel opposed them.  Although he visited her every few years, he always referred to her in the past tense whenever discussing her life or art with friends.  Camille Claudel died on October 19, 1943 after spending three decades in the asylum.  Her family refused to claim the body and she was eventually buried in a communal grave in the Montfavet cemetery.  Only hospital staff attended the funeral service.  

Despite her long hospitalization, Camille's reputation as a brilliant artist remains secure.   While only ninety statues, paintings, and sketches survived her attempts at destroying them,  they show ample evidence of her artistic genius.  Paul Claudel, long notorious for his role in confining his sister, organized the first major exhibition of her work in 1951 and fascination with her complex life  has spurred the publication of various biographies over the years.     In 1988, a full-length biography of Camille Claudel's life was released starring Isabelle Adjani as Camille and Gerard Depardieu as Rodin.   Based on a biography by Paul Claudel's great-granddaughter,  the film transfers much of the blame for Camille's later breakdown on Rodin himself.  While feminists have criticized the film for downplaying the role that Camille's family played in the later tragedy of her life, it received numerous awards (including two Academy award nominations). 

Many of Camille Claudel's statues continue to be displayed at the Musee Rodin in Paris and traveling exhibitions have been held at numerous art galleries and museums around the world.   Rodin's various sculptures of Camille are on display as well.  Camille's artwork continues to fetch record prices at art auctions and she is regarded as being one of the greatest women artists of all time.  Camille Claudel will not be forgotten.

 

 

Does Media Influence Sexual Risk Behaviour?

Efforts to link media use to adolescents' sexual initiation have produced somewhat inconsistent results, perhaps as a result of the limited framing of the question. A study published in a recent issue of Development Psychology sought to expand current approaches by sampling college students instead of high school students, by investigating a range of sexual behaviors and media formats, and by testing a model that featured sexual cognitions as mediators. This social learning model was tested with a sample of 796 heterosexual, male college students who reported on their regular consumption of 4 media (prime-time TV programs, music videos, movies, and men's magazines); their attitudes toward abstinence, the male sexual role, and nonrelational sex; their perceptions of peer sexual behavior; and several aspects of their sexual behavior (e.g., number of sexual partners). Findings revealed strong support for the experimental mediated model, with exposure to men's magazines and movies contributing most strongly to their sexual cognitions, and with men's cognitions, in turn, contributing heavily to their sexual behavior. Some direct connections from media use to sexual behavior also emerged. Together, the findings provide insight into both potential mechanisms for and new approaches to addressing this issue.

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"Civil Disobedience" Threatened Over Closure of Supervised Injection Site

Community activists in Vancouver's downtown have threatened "civil disobedience" to protest the impending closure of a controversial supervised injection site for drug users.   First opened in 2003, Insite is North America's first legal supervised injection site based on a harm reduction model for minimizing the health risks associated with unsafe drug use.  Funded by British Columbia's Ministry of Health Services and Health Canada, Insite has functioned under a special exemption to the Federal Controlled Drug and Substances Act.   Although the exemption has been renewed several times since 2006, the Federal governmen has threatened to close the centre and a constitutional challenge is currently underway.

Harm reduction refers to public policies designed to decriminalize recreational drug use and provide substance abusers with safe avenues for minimizing diseases such as hepatitis and HIV.  Harm avoidance strategies, including the use of needle exchange programs and safe injection sites, represent a controversial alternative to more conventional approaches such as criminal convictions for drug possession and forced abstinence.  Safe injection site programs have been used successfully in a number of European countries since 1986. 

The Insite program is designed to provide drug users with a safe, health-focused site for injected drug use (primarily heroin, cocaine, and morphine).    The downtown Vancouver location was selected given the acute injected-drug epidemic occuring in that area.  On-site medical staff provide drug users with substance abuse counseling, medical advice, and first aid in the event of overdoses or injuries.  In 2009 alone, the site recorded 276,178 visits by 5,447 unique users.    The program enjoys overwhelming support in the Vancouver area.

When the Insite program first opened in 2003, it was  granted a three-year exemption from federal drug legislation given its experimental nature.  Although the program was initially intended to be closed in 2006, the Conservative minority government granted several extensions but has refused to extend them further.   Insite has faced continued opposition from Canada's Conservative minority government despite research showing that the site has led to a 35% drop in overdose death in the area served (as opposed to a 9% increase in other parts of Vancouver).   Despite the expenses associated with running Insite, cost-benefit analyses have consistently shown the benefits of continuing the program.   Although the Federal government has commissioned research studies that refute the harm avoidance model, critics have condemned the research as being flawed.

While the Supreme Court of British Columbia has ruled that Insite should be continued, the Federal government has been fighting the decision and has announced plans to appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada.  Protests and demonstrations over the threatened closure of Insite have become a common sight on the streets of Vancouver in recent months.   Given the Conservative government's stated intentions (and the majority they received in the recent federal election), the protests are likely to continue.

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Curses!

Do curses work?

Belief in malignant supernatural forces causing illness or misfortune is a common tradition in cultures around the world.   The concept of "black magic", the "evil eye", curses, witchcraft, bringing down disaster on unwitting victims has inspired a host of ritual practices designed to protect users from harm.  My mother, bless her heart, has an all-purpose prayer that she uses to protect family members against the mal occhio (evil eye).  Passed down in her family for generations, the prayer can only be taught at the stroke of midnight on Christmas Eve.   While such beliefs seem harmless enough, fear of malignant cursing has inspired horrendous episodes of anti-witch hysteria through the centuries (and still does today).

But is is actually possible for belief in curses to kill victims?  In a now-classic paper titled "Voodoo Death", physiologist Walter Cannon (of Cannon-Bard hypothesis fame) explored that very question.    First published in 1944 in American Anthropologist, Cannon coined the term "voodoo death" to describe the phenomenon of sudden death brought about by emotional shock, especially fear.  Citing numerous examples from anthropological literature, Cannon presented a series of case histories including deaths occurring among Brazilian tribesmen after being cursed by local "medicine men".  One memorable citation from Arthur Glyn Leonard's classic book on the lower Niger described the phenomenon in action:

I have seen more than one hardened old Haussa soldier dying steadily and by inches because he believed himself to be bewitched; no nourishment or medicines that were given to him had the slightest effect either to check the mischief or to improve his condition in any way, and nothing was able to divert him from a fate which he considered inevitable. In the same way, and under very similar conditions, I have seen Kru-men and others die in spite of every effort that was made to save them, simply because they had made up their minds, not (as we thought at the time) to die, but that being in the clutch of malignant demons they were bound to die.

Being cursed was often the result of violating various cultural taboos or otherwise incurring the wrath of tribal chiefs or shamans.   The means by which a curse could be laid could vary from simply applying the "evil eye" to formal rituals such as the use of "pointing-bones" among Australian Aborigines.  Cannon also raised the possibility of chiefs or sorcerers reinforcing their reputation for laying curses through the discreet use of poison.  Given the herblore available to many traditional shamans, this is not particularly farfetched although many of the cases that Cannon discussed involved curse victims wasting away even when poison or other medical explanations were ruled out.   Even in those cases where an autopsy was performed on the curse victim, no clear medical cause for death could be found (except for the curse victims who wasted away from refusing to eat or drink). 

For victims in the final stage of their illness, only the timely intervention of the sorcerer or shaman lifting the curse could save them from death.   Shamans persuaded to lift their cause often use an elaborate ritual and, in many cases, presented the victim with a visual "proof" of the curse being lifted (usually in the presence of the victim's family to impress them with his/her power).   Once the crisis is passed, recovery is usually rapid and complete.  The involvement of the victim's extended social network seems to be the key in many of the cases that Cannon reported.   Those victims who are cursed typically lose all support as family and friends distance themselves.    Once ostracized, the curse victim becomes a pariah with no real options besides death or exile.   "Shunning" of curse victims, often perceived as being responsible for their own predicament, is an effective weapon to reinforce the power of the shaman who laid the curse.  Since being part of the greater tribal community remains the cornerstone of the individual's existence in many societies, it's hardly surprising that the loneliness that can result from being cursed can be so deadly.

But is there a physical basis for "voodoo death"?  Again, Cannon outlined some common characteristics in the cases that he discussed.  The effect that extreme fear and anger can have on the body is well-documented.  Cannon reviewed the "fight or flight" reaction and the opposing roles of the sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous systems in preparing us to deal with crises.   Arousal of the sympathetic nervous system results in pupil dilation, rapid heart rate, increased lung capacity and respiration, inhibition of digestion, shaking, sweating, and other autonomic responses.   Essentially, the body is prepared for action.  If that action is delayed or if we are unable to respond to the stressful situation in a timely fashion however, we experience exhaustion and become vulnerable as a result.  As Cannon himself states:

All these changes render the animal more efficient in physical struggle, for they supply essential conditions for continuous action of laboring muscles. Since they occur in association with the strong emotions, rage and fear, they can reasonably be interpreted as preparatory for the intense struggle which the instincts to attack or to escape may involve. If these powerful motions prevail, and the bodily forces are fully mobilized for action, and if this state of extreme perturbation continues in uncontrolled possession of the organism for a considerable period, without the occurrence of action, dire results may ensue

Cannon also described research on sham rage produced in decorticated laboratory animals following intense stimulation of the sympathetic-adrenal system.  The rage leads to rapid sweating, rapid heartbeat, heightened emotionality, and motor activity.  Even when the animal appears visibly calm afterward, death can result after a few hours due to exhaustion.  Sham rage has also been observed in humans, especially in cases involving damage to the temporal lobe and associated limbic system structures.  Along with other physiological effects of sham rage, large amounts of adrenaline are also produced.   Prolonged adrenaline release may lead to persistent constriction of the blood vessels which, in turn, leads to reduce blood volume and inadequate blood supply to the body's organs.    Catastrophically reduced blood pressure, in conjunction with reduced food or fluid intake, can be linked to many of the reported voodoo deaths in the medical literature. 

It is probably not surprising that sudden death has also been observed in cases involving severe shock.  Even when other medical causes have been ruled out, death can still occur.  Loss of appetite, sweating, rapid heartbeat, and other signs of autonomic distress can be important signals that the body is on the verge of exhausting its resources.  Cannon described several examples of patients who died of apparently minor injuries following emotional trauma.  While postmortem examinations may turn up evidence of brain hemorrhage, this is usually a consequence of the condition rather than a direct cause of death.    

Ultimately, Cannon didn't attempt to provide a final explanation for why voodoo death occurs and simply suggested a hypothesis for researchers to explore.   He also recommended that physicians monitoring potential cases watch for warning signs of shock including low blood pressure, rapid heartbeat, and perspiration.  In (semi) tongue-in-cheek fashion, he ended his paper by saying:

If in the future, however, any observer has opportunity to see an instance of "voodoo death," it is to be hoped that he will conduct the simpler tests before the victim's last gasp.

While voodoo death cases relating to actual curses have become rare (although anti-witch hysteria is still going strong),  research has confirmed many aspects of Cannon's ideas concerning the role of sympathetic arousal on the human body.    In a reevaluation of Cannon's voodoo death paper, Esther Sternberg expanded Cannon's model by stressing the role of the hormonal system, particularly those hormones released by the pituitary and adrenal glands when the human body is confronted by stressors.  These include catecholamines (unknown in Cannon's time) which open calcium channels, including in the heart muscle.  She also discussed the role that the amygdala plays in mediating threat responses (she referred to this as the "vision-to-fear" or "auditory-to-fear" pathway depending on how the threat is perceived).    In cases of abrupt shock, cardiac arrhythmia, chronic wasting, and disease can all occur when the body's own resources are exhausted.  

Cases of sudden cardiac death linked to psychosomatic factors continue to be reported in the clinical literature, especially in patients suffering from preexisting conditions such as chronic depression or anxiety disorders.   The complex relationship between cardiac arrhythmia and emotional stress often forms a "vicious circle" which is potentially deadly.   Increased risk of cardiac failure has also been noted following natural disasters as survivors cope with the stress of dealing with loss.   Although anthropologists still dispute Cannon's interpretation of existing cases (with some arguing that voodoo death should be considered a culture-bound syndrome), Walter Cannon's 1944 paper remains a classic in the field of psychosomatic medicine and psychophysiology and continues to inspire research into the role that emotional factors can affect the body. 

So, can curses kill?  You be the judge.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Binge Drinking and Its Causes

For most forms of alcohol use, including binge drinking, research had shown that drinking tends to increase throughout adolescence and early adulthood and then decline although the reasons behind this pattern are not well understood.  A recent study published in Developmental Psychology investigated developmental changes in both alcohol use behaviors and self-reported reasons for alcohol use from adolescence to early adulthood. Participants were surveyed every 2 years from ages 18 to 30 as part of the Monitoring the Future national study (analytic weighted sample size N = 9,308; 53% women, 40% college attenders). Latent growth models were used to examine correlations between trajectories of binge drinking and trajectories of self-reported reasons for alcohol use across young adulthood. Results revealed developmental changes in reasons for use and correlations between the patterns of within-person change in frequency of binge drinking and within-person change in reasons for use. In particular, an increase in binge drinking between ages 18 and 22 was most positively correlated with using alcohol to get high and because of boredom. Continued binge drinking between ages 22 and 30 was most strongly correlated with using alcohol to get away from problems. Almost no moderation by gender, race, college attendance, employment, or marital status was found.  The results  illustrated the ongoing and dynamic connections between changes in binge drinking and changes in reasons for use across late adolescence and early adulthood.

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Living with Hoarders

Compulsive hoarding (a.k.a. pathological hoarding or disposophobia) is a hard condition to pin down.   While no clear clinical definition or set of diagnostic criteria exist in the current Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV),  certain defining features have been identified by researchers in dealing with chronic hoarders.  These criteria include:

• The acquisition of and failure to discard a large number of possessions that appear to be useless or of limited value
• Living spaces sufficiently cluttered so as to preclude activities for which those spaces were designed
• Significant distress or impairment in functioning caused by the hoarding
• Reluctance or inability to return borrowed items; as boundaries blur, impulsive acquisitiveness could sometimes lead to stealing or kleptomania

Due to the difficulty in diagnosing compulsive hoarding and its tendency to be masked by other psychiatric conditions, the actual incidence remains unclear.  Although compulsive hoarding can take a variety of bizarre forms, including   animal hoarding and Diogenes Syndrome, proper diagnosis and treatment remains problematic.   Public interest in hoarders has grown due to high-profile cases as well as television documentary series such as Hoarders but  questions surrounding the impact of hoarding behaviour on family members remain.   This is especially true of children growing up with parental hoarding who often have difficulty with issues of shame or embarassment stemming from their parents' behaviour.  

Dr. Randy Frost, a professor of psychology at Smith College, has spent two decades studying compulsive hoarding and obsessive-compulsive disorder and is the author of several primary reference texts and self-help guides for compulsive hoarders and their family members.   He views children of hoarders as often experiencing a "tortured ambivalence" towards their parents due to their being forced to share their parents' hoarding lifestyle (as opposed to friends or spouses who are able to make a conscious choice).    Although children often leave home as soon as possible, they are left with long-term adjustment issues as a result. 

Dr. Frost adds that "“They grew up in this difficult environment and naturally came to resent it.  But at the same time, these are your parents and you have to not only respect and love but take care of them. What happens when they get old?”  Growing up with hoarders as role models leads to the risk of hoarding falling into a generational pattern with children demonstrating many of the same hoarding traits as their parents.  The increased risk of generational hoarding has also led to researchers speculating on a possible genetic component although the complex relationship between genetics and environment makes a clear answer impossible.

To help combat the problems that children of hoarders often face, a series of support groups have been established to provide adult survivors of parental hoarding with information and community resources.  Of these groups, the most popular is Children of Hoarders (COH for short) which recently celebrated its fifth year online.  The COH website includes an online forum,  community blogs, cleaning and homemaking tips, suggestions on raising their own children, and treatment options for dealing with parents trapped in a hoarding lifestyle.  The unique nature of the COH support forum has led to a range of unusual topics being discussed including issues surrounding personal cleanliness,   "doorbell dread",  dealing with vermin, recognizing hoarding tendencies, and confronting parents in denial.

The website also includes information on "crisis cleaning" (including dealing with vermin),  a page dedicated to books written by children of hoarders, and a comprehensive directory of support groups across the United States.    While cognitive behavioural therapy has shown some success in treating  hoarding behaviour,  the long-term issues for hoarders and their families means that groups such as COH remain badly needed.

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Surviving Natural Disasters

Natural disasters are frequently associated with increases in risk factors for suicide, yet research indicates that suicide rates tend to stay the same or decrease in the wake of disasters (e.g., Krug et al., 1999).  A study published in a recent issue of Crisis: The Journal of Crisis Intervention and Suicide Prevention presented research sought to shed light on this counterintuitive phenomenon by testing hypotheses derived from Joiner’s (2005) interpersonal-psychological theory of suicidal behavior, which proposes that the desire to die by suicide is the result of feeling like one does not belong and feeling like one is a burden on others. During natural disasters, community members often pull together in volunteering efforts, and it was predicted that such behaviors would boost feelings of belonging and reduce feelings that one is a burden.  The study tested these predictions in a sample of 210 undergraduate students in Fargo, North Dakota, following the 2009 Red River Flood. Results showed that, consistent with prediction, greater amounts of time spent volunteering in flood efforts were associated with increased feelings of belongingness and decreased feelings of burdensomeness. The findings in the current study appear consistent with the notion that communities pulling together during a natural disaster can reduce interpersonal risk factors associated with the desire for suicide.

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Taking a Stand Against Youth Suicide

The actual number of young people who commit suicide may never be known.

According to Statistics Canada figures, of the 3611 suicides recorded for 2007 (the latest year for which statistics are available), 508 involved people between the ages of 10 and 24 although true figures are almost certainly higher.  A 2006 report by the Canadian Mental Health Association listed suicide as being the second leading cause of death of Canadians between the ages of 10 and 24 with suicides accounting for 24 per cent of all deaths for 15 to 24-year olds.   A  2004 report by the Canadian Institute of Public Health Information has shown that suicide attempts by y0uths make up 25 per cent of all hospital admissions.

An initiative launched by a new coalition of Ontario youth service groups has been formed to pressure candidates in the upcoming Ontario provincial election to end the ongoing crisis in child and youth mental health.   Titled "Taking A Stand",  the coalition is  organizing political rallies around the province.  In one rally recently held in Ottawa, three empty buses were on display to demonstrate the estimated three busloads of children and youths who commit suicide each year. 

According to Bronwyn Loucks of the youth advocacy group New Mentality, "Children and youth are suffering and this is heartbreaking.  I have faith that we can do better as a province and that provincial candidates will take a stand to end this crisis in child and youth mental health.   We're calling on all candidates, regardless of political persuasion, to take a stand for better mental health for children and youth, or risk being left behind on voting day, October 6th".

New Mentality is just one of the advocacy groups that make up the newly formed Ontario Action Network for Child and Youth Mental Health.   Made up of parents, service providers, unions and other social agencies,  members of the network have launched the new initiative in Ottawa, the hometown of Premier Dalton McGuinty.   Joanne Curran, parent and longtime child and y0uth mental health advocate has identified what she has referred to as a "capacity gap" between the estimated 25,000 children and adolescents who are identified as needing mental health care and the 15,000 who actually receive help.  She added that "the Province can end this capacity gap with an investment of $200 million over the next four years into the community-based agencies that actually deliver most of the services.  We'll see in this month's budget if the government will address the fact that funding levels have been utterly stagnant for 17 of the past 19 years".    Along with adequate funding, Curran stresses the need for the Ontario government to commit to working in collaboration with service providers and other parters to create a seamless system for providing direct care for children, youths, and vulnerable families.

The coalition also stresses the need for combatting the stigma surrounding mental health issues which often prevents at-risk young people and their families from seeking help until it is too late.    According to Phyllis Grant-Parker, representing Parents Lifeline East Ontario, "There is no shame to mental illness.  The only shame is to allow the lack of services to continue."

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Do Beliefs about Aggression Moderate Alcohol's Effect on Aggressive Behaviour?

A study published in a recent issue of Experimental and Clinical Psychopharmacology examined whether permissive beliefs about aggression moderate the relation between acute alcohol intoxication and aggression in two large experiments conducted at the University of Kentucky.  Participants in Study 1 were 328 (163 men and 165 women) social drinkers and those in Study 2 were 518 (252 men and 266 women) social drinkers. All participants were recruited from the Lexington, Kentucky community with potential participants judged to have serious alcohol problems being excluded.  Beliefs about aggression were assessed using a well-validated self-report measure. Following the consumption of either an alcohol or a placebo beverage, participants were tested on a laboratory task in which electric shocks were received from, and administered to, a fictitious opponent under the guise of a competitive reaction-time task. Aggression was operationalized as the combined mean responses for shock intensity and duration across all trials.  The  researchers' central finding was that alcohol increased aggression in persons with more approving beliefs about aggression than in those who did not hold such beliefs. The results were discussed within the context of Huesmann's (1988) cognitive script model of aggression.  Suggestions for violence prevention efforts were put forth as well.

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