Providentia

The Abe Sada Incident (Part Two)

Continued from Part One

During the eight-session interrogation of Sada Abe, police found her strangely compelling as she talked about killing Kichizo Ishida. Sada was emphatic in saying that "I loved him so much, I wanted him all to myself. But since we were not husband and wife, as long as he lived he could be embraced by other women. I knew that if I killed him no other woman could ever touch him again, so I killed him....."  Asked why she cut off his genitals, she replied ""Because I couldn't take his head or body with me. I wanted to take the part of him that brought back to me the most vivid memories."  The public was fascinated with the case. While murders due to jealousy were hardly uncommon, the strange story of the geisha-turned-harlot who killed out of love mesmerized Japanese society (and you thought the Lorena Bobbitt case was memorable).

Sada Abe's trial began on November 25th, 1936 and crowds gathered for hours before the courthouse even opened to catch a glimpse of her (she wore a bizarre conical hat when entering and leaving the courtroom to hide her face). Eager reporters relayed as much of her sensational testimony as government censors allowed (even one of the three judges who tried her case later admitted to being sexually aroused by the explicit details). Considering the conservative nature of Japanese society at the time, Sada's testimony (which became a bestseller afterward) was explosive. One leading newspaper described the fascination with the case as "Sada mania" and many of the young women who watched the case were called "Sada fans".

The media furor didn't focus on Sada alone.  Goro Omiya had been investigated by the police for his possible involvement in the murder but was finally released. He resigned from his political and academic posts and disappeared from public view.  Kichizo Ishida's wife was devastated by her husband's death (although she could hardly have been unaware of his womanizing) but managed to keep the restaurant going.  Ironically, the Yoshidaya restaurant flourished thanks to the publicity of the case. Even the inn where the murder had taken place attracted eager customers (many couples specifically asked for the room where Ishida had died).

Any hope for a lengthy trial was squashed when Sada Abe simply pleaded guilty to the charges against her. Despite her plea, numerous witnesses were called (including Sada's sister) and Ishida's severed genitals were presented as evidence.  There was no question of the verdict, only the sentence that she would receive. Sada had been hoping for the death penalty so that she could join Ishida while the prosecution asked for a ten-year sentence.  That she was only sentenced to six years came as a surprise to everyone in the courtroom. In handing down the sentence, the judge explained his decision by stressing the role that Ishida had played in the events leading up to his death. He also discussed Sada's mental state at the time (despite Sada's objections, her lawyer insisted that she had been insane at the time of the murder). The judge concluded that the sentence would be enough time for Sada to rehabilitate herself in prison and start a new life upon release. Since she never committed another crime, he was probably right.

Sada's time in prison would represent the most stable period of her life. She would later describe the prison staff as "loving and caring people" and actually felt herself part of a community. Despite setbacks (especially on the first anniversary of Ishida's death), she was able to function and even studied Buddhist philosophy while in prison. Due to her being a model prisoner, her sentence was later commuted and she was released on November 10, 1940. Unfortunately, her notoriety kept her in the public eye for the rest of her life.

Even living under an alias, Sada found that public fascination with her case made starting a new life impossible. Since she left prison without any real income, she lived with her sister and brother-in-law for a time but wartime rationing forced her to support herself. Under the name "Yoshii Masako" she went to work as a maid but was fired when her employers learned her true identity. A "serious man" then asked her to become his mistress and she reluctantly accepted. This relationship ended after several years when his family learned who she really was.

Although Sada realized that her name had become "poisonous" and was distressed that the public thought of her as a "sex pervert", this would change over time as postwar attitudes concerning sexuality became more liberalized. Still, there were few occupations that were open to her as a notorious woman living alone and the stigma of her past continued to haunt her. She sued the author of a scandalous book based on supposed interviews with her (this was settled out of court) and even published her own autobiography in 1948. After years of living in semi-anonymity and working in pubs and restaurants, Sada finally managed to drop out of sight. Last seen in 1970, nothing else is known about her life . Occasional later rumours of her committing suicide or entering a convent sprang up but nothing was ever confirmed and there is no known death date though flowers continued to be left on Kichizo Ishida's grave until 1987.

Despite her disappearance, the fascination with Sada's case never really ended. Her life has been the subject of non-fiction books, novels, psychoanalytic essays, and movies. The 1976 erotic classic, The Realm of the Senses is probably the best-known of the three films made about Sada's life. The film's explicit sex scenes (and its gruesome ending) caused it to be banned or censored in countries around the world but it introduced viewers to a bizarre case that is still largely unknown outside of Japan. Whether Sada Abe is a feminist icon or a notorious murderer (and she has been described as both), her case represents an important test of the changing sexual mores of Japanese culture. Whatever her final fate, Sada Abe will be remembered.

What's Your Blood Type?

Can knowing your blood type provide insight into your personality and the kind of people you are most likely to associate with?  For many people living inJapan or South Korea, the answer seems to be "yes".    While the discovery of the ABO blood group system only goes back the work of Karl Landsteiner in 1900, this was rapidly followed by the discovery of significant ethnic differences in terms of how blood groups were distributed across the world.    The overrepresentation of blood type B among Asian peoples played an early role in Nazi theories relating to racial superiority though being largely discredited by early 20th century biology.  Despite the scientific racism surrounding early work into blood type,  scientists linked to Japan's imperialist government drew on Nazi research to foster ideas relating to Japanese supremacy over other races during the early 1920s.

A series of research studies published during the 1920s by Takeji Furukawa of the Tokyo WomenTeacher's School had an influential role in how blood types were viewed by the Japanese public.   In the first of these studies, titled, "The Study of Temperament through Blood Type", Furukawa argued that temperament was biologically determined and that various racial minorities in Japan (including Formosans and Ainu) could be distinguished from mainstream Japanese society according to blood type.   Ainu, for instance, were inherently submissive since only 23.8% had Type O blood while Formosans were inherently rebellious with more than 40% having Type O blood.  

Despite Furukawa's credentials being suspect and the extremely small sample sizes of his studies (as few as ten to twenty subjects in some cases),  interest in his racial theories flourished until the 1930s.   Furukawa's popularity eventually waned as more reputable academics pointed out the numerous flaws in his research.  Still, there was an unexpected revival in 1971 when journalist Masahiko Nomi published his best-selling book Ketsueki-gata de Wakaru Aisho (Understanding Affinity by Blood Type) which reintroduced Furukawa's work to Japanese society.  While not a research scientist himself, Nomi based his book on his own observations on the role that blood type played in human temperament.     The popularity of his book inspired him to launch his own formal research study which he claimed involved thousands of subjects (largely recruited from acquaintances and fans of his work) as well as writing nine additional books.    When Nomi died in 1981, his son took over the research and continued to promote his father's work.   Despite attempts to introduce "blood type personality theory" to Western countries, the fad remains strongest in Japan and South Korea with four out of ten of the bestselling books in Japan in 2008 dealing with blood type and millions of copies being sold. 

How exactly does blood type personality theory work?  According to Nomi's book,  the ABO blood type determines personality, temperament, and compatibility with other people.   Specific blood types are characterized by representative traits that can be used to distinguish between different individuals. 

• Type A       Traits include earnestness, creativity, sensitivity, patience, and responsibility.  Also fastidious, stubborn, tense, and shy (examples given include Adolf Hitler and Britney Spears)
• Type B       Traits include passion, strength, impulsivity.  Also unpredictability, selfishness, and indecision (Jack Nicholson)
• Type O       Traits include amiability, optimism.  Also rudeness, lack of organization, vanity, jealousy, arrogance  (Elvis Presley and Queen Elizabeth II)
• Type AB    Traits include  coolness, rationality, adaptability.  Also calculating, irresponsibility, and proneness to "split personality (Mao Zedong)

While the popularity of blood type personality theory has faded somewhat in recent years , women's magazines in many Asian countries continue to extol the virtues of blood typing (including which blood types are most romantically compatible).  Japanese matchmaking services often request information on a client's blood type as part of the process of finding compatible partners.  Daytime television shows offer "blood horoscopes" and even Facebook pages in many Asian countries routinely include blood type information as part of the user profile.  Anime and manga authors often include information on the blood types of their different characters while video game players are allowed the option of choosing the blood type of the characters they create.   Japanese entrepreneurs have been quick to cash in on the trend by offering products ranging from chewing gum to bath salts, supposedly tailored to individual blood types.  Even Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso insisted on listing his blood type on his official web page (not that it saved him from defeat in the 2009 election). 

While use of blood type personality theory seems harmless enough, there is definitely a darker side. A new term, burahara, has arisen in recent years to describe the harassment that those with the "wrong" blood type may experience  (burahara is derived from the Japanese words for "blood" and "harassment").   Since Type B individuals are seen as unpredictably and unreliable, employers have  refused to hire qualified applicants with the "wrong" blood type.   Information on blood type remains a standard question in job interviews despite efforts by Japan's Health, Welfare, and Labor Ministry to curb the practice.   Children in some kindergartens are grouped according to blood type and cases of childhood bullying relating to blood type have been reported.  During the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Japan's women's softball team had their training schedule adjusted according to the blood type of each member of the team (the fact that they won a gold medal did little to discourage blood-type enthusiasts). 

Despite efforts by Asian psychologists to educate the public about the "sham science" surrounding blood-type personality theory, its popularity and the continuing sale of books with titles such as "Instruction Manual for People with Type B Blood" means that the fad will likely continue.   At least until the next fad kicks in. 

Oh, and for the record?  I'm Type O  (you all know what that means).

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Is Spending Money on Others Good for your Heart?

Does spending money on others (prosocial spending) improve the cardiovascular health of community-dwelling older adults diagnosed with high blood pressure?  A new article published in the journal Health Psychology explores this question in a series of studies.  In Study 1, 186 older adults diagnosed with high blood pressure participating in the Midlife in the U.S. Study (MIDUS) were examined. In Study 2, 73 older adults diagnosed with high blood pressure were assigned to spend money on others or to spend money on themselves. Results: In Study 1, the more money people spent on others, the lower their blood pressure was 2 years later. In Study 2, participants who were assigned to spend money on others for 3 consecutive weeks subsequently exhibited lower systolic and diastolic blood pressure compared to participants assigned to spend money on themselves. The magnitude of these effects was comparable to the effects of interventions such as antihypertensive medication or exercise. Conclusions: Together, these findings suggest that spending money on others shapes cardiovascular health, thereby providing a pathway by which prosocial behavior improves physical health among at-risk older adults. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)

For the abstract

Suicide and the Internet

Background: Although people who use the Internet for suicide-related reasons have been found to report significantly higher levels of suicidal ideation, little is known about the characteristics of these users. Aims: To examine the differences between suicidal people who use the Internet for suicide-related reasons and those who do not. Method: Participants were 205 Australian citizens and permanent residents aged 18−24 years who had felt suicidal within the past year. Participants were recruited online through non-mental health-related websites and asked to complete an anonymous online survey. Results: In univariate analyses, suicide-related users reported significantly higher levels of social anxiety and lifetime and past year suicidal ideation than non-suicide-related users, as well as a higher likelihood of future suicide and overall higher risk for suicide. There were no differences on depressive symptoms and perceived social support. Both groups were unlikely to anticipate seeking help from any source and generally perceived similar barriers to offline help-seeking. Multivariate analyses showed that past year suicidal ideation and likelihood of future suicide significantly predicted suicide-related Internet use. Conclusions: Individuals may choose to go online for alternative methods of coping when their suicidal feelings become more severe, demonstrating the need for more online suicide prevention efforts. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)

For the abstract

The Abe Sada Incident (Part One)

Just to put you in a Japan mood while I'm over here....

On May 18, 1936, Sada Abe strangled her lover, Kichizo Ishida, to death. After laying with the body for several hours, she took a kitchen knife and severed his genitals. Wrapping them in a magazine cover, she used his blood to write Sada, Kichi Futari-kiri ("Sada, Kichi together") on his left thigh and on a bed sheet. She then carved her name on his left arm, got dressed, and walked out of the room in the Tokyo inn where they had been staying. Sada instructed the staff not to disturb Ishida and left the inn.  Shortly afterward, she went to see a politically prominent former lover, Goro Amiya, and apologized to him repeatedly. He had no idea what she was talking about but she was well aware that this career was about to be ruined by the adverse publicity surrounding her involvement with him.

She was right.

Born to a well-off Tokyo family in 1905, Sada Abe (or Abe Sada depending on the naming tradition used) was doted on by her mother who encouraged her to be free-spirited and independent. At the age of fifteen, she was raped by an acquaintance. While her parents supported her through the investigation that followed, Sada was never the same afterward.

As she became more uncontrollable, her father sold her to a geisha house in Yokohama although family members would later disagree as to why. While Sada maintained that she was being punished for her promiscuous behaviour, her sister would state that she had been perfectly willing. Becoming an accomplished geisha was a mark of distinction for Japanese women of the time and Sada had often expressed her wish to pursue this lifestyle.

Whatever ideas Sada about the glamorous life of a geisha, the reality was very different. After contracting syphilis from a client, she turned to prostitution and began working in Osaka's brothel district. Working as a licensed prostitute posed more problems than she was prepared to deal with and she eventually drifted towards unlicensed prostitution (with all the usual dangers). After both her parents died, she became even more unrestrained. A raid on the brothel where she was working in 1934 led to her becoming the mistress of a well-connected friend of the brothel owner. A string of other lovers followed as she tried to get out of prostitution entirely. In 1936, Sada became an apprentice in a restaurant in an attempt at starting a new life. This was how she met Kichizo Ishida.

Despite being the owner of the Yoshidaya restaurant where Sada worked, it was really his wife who ran the business. The 42-year old Ishida was a frequent womanizer who was bored with his marriage and it didn't take long from him to notice his free-spirited apprentice. Sada in turn, despite already being involved with Goro Omiya at the time, didn't hesitate when the handsome Ishida approached her (she would later say that "I never met such a sexy man"). Their lovemaking bouts were legendary and often lasted for days. Whatever Ishida's plans, Sada found herself falling in love with him (possibly for the first time in her life). Just being his mistress wasn't enough for her, she wanted to be his wife and the idea of sharing him another woman infuriated her.

Sada grew more despondent as Ishida drew away from her and she began drinking heavily. Inspired by a play that she had seen featuring a geisha threatening a lover with a knife, Sada bought a large kitchen knife and threatened Ishida with it at their next meeting.  Ishida was amused by her threats and took her off to an inn in the Ogu red light district for their next lovemaking marathon. What happened next is mainly based on Sada's testimony. After two days of lovemaking, she took the obi off her kimono and began strangling him. He found the erotic asphyxia enjoyable and told he to do it while he was sleeping. On the morning of May 18th, she strangled him to death (whether intentionally or not is open to debate) and would later say that she felt a "sense of clarity" on realizing that he was dead. After cutting off her lover's genitals, she put on his underwear and left the inn at 8:00 am. The mutilated body was found by a maid some time later and the hunt for Sada Abe began.

There was a nationwide panic over the lurid media accounts describing the deranged Sada being at large. Reported sightings came in from all over Japan. Goro Omiya got swept up in the media frenzy and his involvement with Sada thoroughly destroyed his political career. As for Sada herself, she stayed at a nearby inn and reportedly made plans to commit suicide. Acting on a tip, police tracked her down to her hotel room on May 20 and she gave up immediately. Ishida's severed genitals, still wrapped in the magazine cover, were found in her handbag.

News of Sada's capture was reported nationwide and even announced in Japan's National Diet. Given the political upheavals of the time, the bizarre sex scandal made for a welcome diversion and the public ate up every detail of the testimony that she provided during her interrogation.

And the media frenzy was only just beginning...

Continue to Part Two.

The Volcano Suicides

It all began on February 11, 1933 when a 21-year old student named Kiyoko Matsumoto committed suicide by throwing herself into the volcanic crater of Mount Mihara on the Japanese island of Izu Oshima.    Matsumoto, a student at Tokyo's Jissan College,  developed an infatuation with fellow student Masako Tomita.  In a poignant letter, she wrote "Dearest, I am bewildered to distraction by the perplexities of maturing womanhood. I can stand the strain no longer. What shall I do? I should like to jump into a volcano."   As it happened, Tomita knew just the ideal spot for such a romantic gesture.  Since lesbian relationships were considered taboo in Japanese culture at the time, both she and Tomita decided to travel together to the volcano so that Matsumoto could end her life there.  

Mount Mihara was already a well-known suicide site  since an observation post near the top of the volcanic cone allowed visitors to look straight down into the crater.  Even as early as the 1920s, people could commit suicide by jumping into the volcano.  Incidents such as this were relatively rare though since there were more practical alternatives including jumping off one of Tokyo's skyscrapers.  Unfortunately for Matsumoto, business owners had recently put a stop to high-rise suicides by placing security barriers at the top of those buildings where suicides had taken place.   Though determined jumpers could still find accessible buildings, Masako Tomito telling all her friends at school about Matsumoto's death would establish Mount Mihara as a new suicide venue.  

Along with the poignant goodbye note  she left behind, the story of a young woman ending her life by jumping into a volcano would eventually inspire a series of copycat suicides.    Kiyoko Matsumoto's suicide became a media sensation across Japan as news agencies picked up the story and made her a celebrity.    Her goodbye note was reprinted in the newspapers and Mount Mihara suddenly attracted a new wave of tourists and curiosity seekers.    Masako Tomita became a celebrity as well and, according to a Times news article from 1935,  died not long afterward though the cause of death was not given.   

To profit from the volcano's new popularity,  Jinnojo Hayashi, president of Tokyo Bay Steamship Company set up a daily steamship line to the island where it was located and the observation post near the top of the mountain picked up the new name: "Suicide Point".   Visitors wishing to visit the volcano could ride donkeys and horses up the steep mountain so they could look into the lava for themselves.   The poor fishing community at the foot of the volcano prospered with the new tourist trade.   Though authorities were already becoming alarmed by the prospect of copycat deaths, they did little to discourage it at first (suicide was not illegal under Japanese law).   In 1933 alone, 944 people (804 men, 140 women) would jump into the crater.   The two years that followed saw an additional 350 suicides and 1386 attempted suicides on Mount Mihara and visitors would often travel there just to watch people jump.

Newspapers also played on Kiyoko Matsumoto's sexual orientation and "lesbian suicide" became a new cultural meme in Japan.   Even before Matsumoto's death, suicide was hardly uncommon in women facing problems coming to terms with their sexuality,   For lesbians in particular,  living in a country with little tolerance for sexual minorities provided few options except for suffering in silence.    The rise in suicides among women was alarming enough for Nobuko Jo of the Old Women's Home in Kobe, Japan to establish a national movement designed to prevent further deaths.   She helped set up shelters which she called "Wait-a-bits" where people would could reconsider killing themselves.   "The pause for reflection is vital," she said in one public statement, "Achieve that and the unfortunate woman generally saves herself. The thing is to ease their hysteria, if only for a few hours, and get them away from hysterical friends."   Along with Wait-a-bits, she also established shelters for homeless women across Japan and credited her movement with preventing thousands of deaths. 

There was also the romantic aspect of Matsumoto's death which caused Mount Mihara to became a popular spot for mutual suicide pacts (known as shinjuu in Japan).   Until the outbreak of World War 2, as many as 45 couples would commit suicide each year by throwing themselves into the volcano.   In one shinjuu case from 1956,  27-year old Fumisuke Onodera and 21-year old Chieko Numakura of Tokyo both decided on suicide after learning of Numakura's bone tuberculosis.   Though they both jumped into the volcano, they actually landed on a ledge about ten meters (30 feet) above the lava.   After reconsidering their suicide decision, Onodera tried to climb out with Numakura on his back though he could not manage to get her out alone.  He eventually made it to the top by himself and arranged for her rescue.   Though badly burned, they both survived.

The Mount Mihara suicide epidemic eventually ended through enhanced security to prevent suicides and making it a criminal offense to purchase a one-way ticket to the island.  While suicide is likely still possible for someone sufficiently determined, there are usually more accessible places available.   Even today, suicide in Japan remains a major social issue and the suicide rate is one of the highest in the world.   Methods tend to vary (and certain places such as Japan's Aokigahara Forest remain popular) so authorities stay alert to the possibility of copycat suicides following high-profile deaths.   In recent years, the suicides of musicians Yukiko Okada and hide triggered small copycat suicide clusters although nothing on the scale following Kiyoko Matsumoto's death.  

Still, the rapid rise of suicides in Japan during the 1990s (1998 saw a 34.7% increase from the previous year) and the number of suicides linked to the recent economic downturn has led to a call for stronger action.   A new government initiative has been put into place to reduce suicides  20% by 2017 with billions of yen being allocated for anti-suicide measures including greater access to counseling.   Though early signs are encouraging, the popularity of internet suicide websites listing different ways of committing suicide using household chemicals demonstrates that the suicide epidemic is far from over.

Off To Japan

By the time you read this, I will be off to Yokohama, Japan which I will be attending the 31st International Congress of Psychology.   I am looking forward to having a chance to interact with some of the best and brightest as well as being able to explore Yokohama and Tokyo.  I will try to post the odd update during the course of my travels but I won't be able to post regularly until after I return.  

Hopefully, by the time I get back, I'll have a whole slew of new pictures and experiences to share.

How Common is Road Rage?

It's something every driver dreads but can't  avoid completely.  

We're all familiar with "road rage",  whether through personal experience or through stories heard from people we know.   Though  first coined in the 1980s following a rash of highway shootings in California, the term "road rage" has taken on a life of its own in describing any kind of aggressive or angry behaviour by a driver towards people in other vehicles.   Ranging from rude gestures to dangerous driving practices that are actually life-threatening, road rage can lead to physical confrontations, assault, and even death.  Police statistics show 1,200 cases of road rage reported each year across the United States but these are typically the most severe examples which say little about how often it really occurs.  

But a new research study released by the AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety suggests that road rage is far more common than you might think.   The study, which is available on the foundation's webpage, presents the results of an 2014 online survey involving 2,705 licensed drivers over the age of 16.   According to the survey, 78 percent of participating drivers reported engaging in at least one kind of aggressive driving  behaviour in the previous year.  

To read more, check out my new Psychology Today blog post.

 

 

 

U.K. Study Shows Online Abuse Common After Breakups

A new survey examining online behaviour following relationship breakups suggests that post-relationship abuse is far more common than you think.   The survey, which is scheduled to be presented at the annual conference of the British Psychological Society's Division of Counselling Psychology in Brighton, U.K. this weekend, interviewed 1612 adults though an online survey.   Of the thirty-three percent who reported experiencing a relationship breakup in the previous year (526 in total), thirty-seven percent reported experiencing digital abuse from their ex-partner.   

The most common findings were:

• 48 per cent reported an ex sending or sharing an online message about them that was extremely nasty;

•  34 per cent reported an ex contacting their new partner or family and friends online for the purpose of distressing them;

• 28 per cent reported a ex threatening to post or sending an online message about them that was not true;

•  ·26 per cent had their ex threaten to share online an something they did not want shared;

•  26 per cent had their ex use digital technology to track or stalk them

Overall, more men than women reported online harassment (40 percent vs 36 percent) but no real gender differences were found concerning specific forms of harassment.  Also, age or education seemed to make no difference with respect to the kind of harassment received.  "There is very little research into digital abuse among adults after relationship breakups, particularly into the breadth of experiences that this study includes," said lead researcher Lindy Morrison in an press release.  "Our survey provides strong support for the necessity of further investigation into this issue."  

Lindy Morrison is currently recruiting for the next phase in her research which involves interviewing people who have experienced online abuse to determine how the abuse has affected them.

Saving James Frye (Part Two of Two)

Continued from Part One

On July 19, 1922, James Frye testified on his own behalf and quickly denounced the confession he had made as being completely bogus.  Not only was he innocent of Dr. Brown's murder but he insisted that it was the dentist, John R. Francis Jr., (the one  who had originally implicated him in the murder) who was actually guilty.  Frye claimed that Francis had admitted to the murder while they were both high on gin and cocaine.   As Frye related in his testimony, Francis had been the one behind the extortion plot against the doctor and had killed him in retribution for going to the police.    

Though Frye's credibility was already suspect, the news that William Moulton Marston had personally tested James Frye with his newly-developed "lie detector" generated renewed interest in what seemed like an open-and-shut case up to that point.   The prospect of seeing this new device being demonstrated in the courtroom quickly became a major news story which led to a rush for any available seats in the courtroom where the trial was being held.  Many people waiting for hours to be seated with the courtroom being quickly filled to capacity and beyond. 

And they were all disappointed.   Though Frye's defense team submitted all of Marston's publications (including his dissertation) to the judge to bolster his credentials, Chief Justice Walter McCoy flatly refused to allow the psychologist to testify and directed the jury to render a verdict solely on the evidence presented to date.   Based on his reading of Marston's assorted research papers, Judge McCoy concluded that "so far the science has not sufficiently developed detection of deception by blood pressure to make it a usable instrument in a court of law. It would be entirely foreign to our practice to have such tests made out of court and not applied certainly to every witness who goes on the witness stand."  He also added that, "once such instruments became as well known as the radio, the telephone, and the telegraph, then it might have some consideration in the court."  He also rejected any attempt to have Marston qualified as an expert witness or to allow him to make any opinion about whether Frye was telling the truth or not. 

With this last-ditch defense being rejected, James Frye's fate was sealed.  The prosecutor for the case, Joseph Bilbrey summed up his argument by declaring  Frye to be "the most colossal liar that ever appeared in court" and the jury took only an hour to find him guilty of second-degree murder.  Though this saved him from the death penalty, the judge still sentenced him to life in prison and he was promptly sent to Fort Leavenworth to begin his sentence.

To nobody's surprise, Frye's attorneys, Mattingly and Wood, promptly launched an appeal arguing that William Marston's  technique would prove that Frye wasn't guilty of murder and that police had actually forced the confession out of him.   As for Marston, he basked in the notoriety the case had given him and promptly established what he proudly called the "only psycho-legal research laboratory in the United States" at American University.   He also worked with Frye's two attorneys to launch what would eventually become a Supreme Court case over the admissibility of Marston's device in a criminal trial. 

It probably didn't help that Marston was charged with various counts of mail fraud just days after the appeal was filed.  Though the charges were eventually dismissed, the stigma would haunt Marston for years and the publicity helped undermine James Frye's appeal.    Since he was tied up in court on his own behalf, this also meant that he had less time to help with the Frye appeal.   Due to various deferrals, the case would drag on for well over a year as Frye's defense team prepared their final legal brief titled, "Memorandum of Scientific History and Authority of Systolic Blood Pressure Test for Deception Memorandum of Scientific History and Authority of Systolic Blood Pressure Test for Deception."   Along with listing the various errors of law which they felt had been made in the Frye trial, they also outlined their case for allowing Marston's device to be allowed in the courtroom.   The brief was also notable for downplaying Marston's own contributions (likely due to the mail fraud charge still hanging over him).  The brieff inished by arguing that allowing evidence using Marston's sphygmomanometer was just as valid as allowing forensic psychiatrists to express an opinion about mental illness. 

To counter Mattingly and Wood's brief, the U.S. Attorney's Office responded with their own brief prepared by Peyton Gordon and Joseph Bilbrey.   This new brief basically focused on William Moulton Marston and questioned the credibility of the evidence he was trying to provide.   Gordon and Bilbrey also cited a law review article written by Harvard Law School professor Zechariah Chafee which was openly critical of Marston's research.  Not only was Chaffee a noted legal authority, but he actually knew Marston, having had him as one of his students.  Despite this, Chaffee pointed out that Marston's research was simply too untested to be accepted in a criminal trial.   Which was what Gordon and Bilbrey had been saying all along.

And the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeal agreed with them.  On December 3, 1923, the court handed down a 669-word decision upholding the original verdict and provided what would be commonly known as the "Frye test" for whether scientific evidence should be allowed as evidence in a criminal trial.  The decision stated, in part: 

Just when a scientific principle or discovery crosses the line between the experimental and demonstrable stages is difficult to define. Somewhere in this twilight zone the evidential force of the principle must be recognized, and while the courts will go a long way in admitting expert testimony deduced from a well recognized scientific principle or discovery, the thing from which the deduction is made must be sufficiently established to have gained general acceptance in the particular field in which it belongs.

The Frye decision would set the standard for scientific testimony in every U.S. state for decades to come and would also influence legal decisions in many other countries around the world.  Not until the case of Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals in 1993 would any other legal decision regarding scientific evidence come close to being as influential.   

Ironically, though the decision provided James Frye with legal immortality (whether he wanted it or not), it carefully removed any reference to William Moulton Marston or the device that was at the centre of the controversy.   Marston, for his part, despite expressing disappointment over the ruling, eventually moved on with his life including having children with two women (at the same time, but that's another story), as well as creating the comic book character, Wonder Woman, a legacy that remains with us long after Marston's death in 1947. 

 James Frye would eventually be paroled in 1939 after serving eighteen years in prison.  Long after his release and up until his death in 1956, he would work tirelessly trying to clear his name and insisted that he had been convicted due to racial bias (a distinct possibility given the political climate of that era).   His repeated attempts for a pardon in his case were continually denied.   

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